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Soviet quilted jacket

by Kim Meyers

This object is a traditional Soviet quilted jacket. Originally, the jacket would have been a paler beige/drab olive colour, but it turned slightly darker over the years.

The convertible collar indicates that this jacket was part of a soldier’s winter uniform. It is a single-breasted coat, which confirms its use as a field uniform rather than a parade uniform.[1]

 Each button has the typical five-pointed star with the hammer and sickle in the middle. Although they have become red-brownish, the buttons used to be golden.[2]

The inside of the jacket is stuffed with wool to keep the wearer safe and warm in the cold conditions of Eastern Europe.

Taking a closer look at the condition of the jacket, one can see that besides the stains no further damage or signs of repair can be found.

If the jacket had been used by a prisoner of war over a period of a couple of years, it would have considerably more damage and signs of repair. As this is not the case, one can only assume that it was not worn for very long.

It was very common in Soviet prisoner-of-war camps to give detainees a used telogreika (телогре́йка) like this one to protect them from the cold climate during the winter months. The Russian word telogreika means “body warmer”, which literally indicates its purpose.

As the detainees did not have any right to private property, and as they were only allowed to wear the clothes they had on at the moment of their arrival, these jackets were often worn over their own uniforms. Pictures of these camps therefore often look like pictures of gulags.[3] Their equipment and materials were standardised and offered no additional comfort. These people, equipped with the bare minimum, had to survive very harsh conditions of captivity.

Historical and symbolic value

This jacket, which was found in 1981 in Wiltz at a dump by Henri Krischler, presumably comes from a Luxembourgish recruit who served in the German army at the Eastern Front. As far as Mr Krischler, who was kind enough to lend this special item, could remember, the jacket was lying in the dirt and covered with mud and rubbish.

Because of the lack of background information on this particular jacket, we have to engage in speculation about its history. The jacket might have spent the 35 years after the end of the war in storage somewhere around Wiltz, in the north of Luxembourg. It is possible that someone cleaning the premises did not recognise the value of the jacket and just thought that it was an old piece of clothing that was not worth keeping anymore.

For our presentation, the exact information is less important than its symbolic meaning for (Luxembourgish) prisoners of war. It is precisely this meaning that encouraged me to do some research on the object.

It is worth noting that this item does not only trigger emotions and memories in people from the Soviet Union; it might also have some relevance for people from Western Europe.[4]

The telogreika was first introduced in the 1930s and was standard equipment for Soviet soldiers until the 1960s. So people in Eastern Europe are very familiar with this item. Men had to wear these jackets daily during their duty as soldiers, guards or elsewhere. Even today, the successor of the original telogreika, with its typical woolen interior and single-breasted design, can be found in the Russian army.

Even though this type of jacket is more widespread in the former Soviet Union than in Western Europe, it figures in pictures, drawings, memories, films and stories in both worlds.

Memories and emotions

In Western Europe, this object is mainly known as a piece of clothing worn by prisoners of war who were kept captive in Soviet camps. Jackets like this were often the only available winter clothing the men could get. Clothing for detainees was scarce and had to be worn for several years. As damaged clothes were generally not replaced, the items they had were particularly appreciated. This is the reason why in pictures of prisoners in these camps, stitching can often be seen on the clothes.

It is likely that this item, with its strong symbolic meaning, also triggered strong emotions. In the east, it represented the poor conditions in which the Soviet soldiers fought for their home country. It was a time not just of heroism but also of degrading conditions, with human needs coming second to the necessities of the war. And in the west, returning prisoners of war did not come back with positive memories.

Interestingly, returning soldiers are often depicted without these Soviet jackets. This is mainly because they were often threadbare and needed to be replaced. A group of returning soldiers in tatty clothes would not have represented the image the responsible government wanted to proudly show. There are reports that Luxembourgish prisoners of war were given new underwear and new uniforms in Wolfsburg upon their return. This fact makes the jacket even more interesting as a relic of its time, since many simply did not find their way to Luxembourg.


[1] Handbook on the Soviet Army, US Army Department, 1959, p.229

[2] Handbook on the Soviet Army, US Army Department, 1959, p.229

[3] Tininis, Vytautas, Soviet Union-controlled POW camp in Macikai 1945–1948, p.70

[4] Jones, Gareth (ed.), The Military History Book: The Ultimate Visual Guide to the Weapons that Shaped the World, Dorling Kindersley Ltd., 2012, p.363


 

RAD-pin

The history of the Second World War through objects

Written by Alex Lepesant

Nowadays, it seems hard to imagine that a small pin can simultaneously embody suffering, disgust, shame, pride and ideology. This badge of about 6cm, however, does exactly that. It was part of a uniform and would have been attached to the front of the cap. Against the generally brownish plain clothes, the little red, white and black pin would of course stick out. The composition of the badge tells us a great deal about what it actually stands for. There are three different parts to consider. The most obvious one is definitely the swastika. The main symbol of the Nazi ideology was imprinted wherever it could be to show affiliation with the state and its political leaders. Here it is imprinted on a shovel, which is framed by two heads of grain. The little badge made of embossed aluminium has of course a purely representative function.

 

Envisioned representation

The first thing one might want to ask is what the badge initially stood for. What we are seeing here is the symbol of the Reichsarbeitsdienst (RAD), or Reich Labour Service. Following on from various precursors, the RAD was officially introduced in 1935 as a state-controlled response to unemployment. Young men and women were recruited to help with the harvest or build bridges and streets. The shovel represents the workers’ tool par excellence. The simplicity of the shovel illustrates the idea that the men and women were willing to do honest work. Shovels are neither technologically sophisticated nor very effective. They are builder’s tools and are still used symbolically today for groundbreaking ceremonies. No matter how big and ambitious the project, it all starts with a shovel and people willing to put the needed effort in. This idea was presumably also behind the choice of the shovel as a symbol for the RAD. However, the shovel also had another interesting meaning: it used to be part of the standard military equipment given to soldiers. It was a simple but functional tool for both preparation for combat and even combat itself. With enough imagination, a lengthy shovel could serve as a perfect simulation of a typical gun of the time. One could even practise march drills and other military exercises with the shovel in one’s hands. The heads of grain, on the other hand, convey a more innocent impression. What better way of serving the public than by feeding the masses? That is exactly the image the RAD wanted to transmit: honest work for public benefit.

 

Behind the symbolism

As we know today, the reality was different. The RAD, just like the shovel, was a tool. It enabled the political leaders of the time to infiltrate their ideology into the population. The idea was to extend various control mechanisms deep into society. If every aspect of life in the Reich was determined by Nazi ideology, it is because of institutions like this one. Young people would not only become members of a workforce serving the country; they would also be familiarised with paramilitary structures. The work was usually conducted in large and strictly organised groups. During periods of service, there was very little to no free time. Booklets provided written proof of service and at the same time they were a handy instrument of control. As the war intensified and Germany proclaimed “total” war, the RAD was already well integrated into the war machinery as a means of support for warfare and victory. The badge also testifies to the tendency towards standardisation. As mentioned, the RAD was a military-like structure in which the suppression of all individuality was a key strategy for indoctrination. The regime needed devoted, self-sacrificing followers, and the RAD was just one of many organisations that tried to forge that “ideal” citizen.

 

The RAD in Luxembourg

Our specific pin belongs to the General Patton Museum in Ettelbruck, Luxembourg. The museum contains a collection of objects that were mostly brought to the museum by local contemporary witnesses. This is most likely also the case for our pin. This raises the question as to what the situation was like in Luxembourg with regard to the RAD. The first call for the medical examination and selection of candidates (Musterung) for the RAD in Luxembourg was announced in February 1941. Those born between 1919 and 1922[1] were called first. The young volunteers had to bring their birth certificate, family record book, work record and appropriate clothes for training.[2] After the hoped-for rush of enthusiastic recruits failed to materialise, letters were sent out to call out the youngsters directly and prompt them to attend a Musterung.[3] Service became mandatory. Once in the camp,[4] the daily routine was planned to the minute from 6am to 10pm. As the war dragged on, being in the RAD could also mean service near the eastern front. In essence, the whole day was taken up by work, and if at some point there was time for another activity, it still took place within the working unit. The camp was a place of conflation. Young individuals were called to serve the country and a uniform, and the aim was to produce a standardised mass of future soldiers. The RAD was part of the war machinery – or at least that was the logic behind it. The reality was of course, again, different. Service was often performed reluctantly and with no great effect in terms of political conviction. Moreover, it was common practice in Luxembourg to wear alternative pins and badges secretly. Many motifs and symbols such as the Grand Duchess became iconic counter-images to German totalitarianism. The rift between the public image, representing Nazi fantasies of a unified, fanatic workforce, and the real struggle and fate of the RAD recruits cannot be underestimated. Knowing what we know today, the fact that people were forced to join the RAD and made to wear the symbol of the RAD with a shovel and heads of grain is an egregious act in itself.

 

Bibliography:

Benz, Wolfgang, Vom Freiwilligen Arbeitsdienst zur Arbeitsdienstpflicht, in: Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 16/4 (1968), p. 317-346.

Dostert, Paul, Reichsarbeitsdienst-Lager in Luxemburg: Bettemburg, Hesperingen, Schüttringen, Mutfort, Rosport und Hollenfels, in: Von Chorsängern, Eisenbahnen und Kirchenglocken: Festschrift zum 150jährigen Bestehen der Chorale Schuttrange, Luxembourg, 2013, p. 77-81.

Wallerang, Mathias, Luxemburg unter nationalsozialistischer Besatzung: Luxemburger berichten, Mainz 1997.

[1] On 30 August, forced recruitment into the Wehrmacht was announced in Luxembourg for those born between 1920 and 1924.

[2] Bekanntmachung über die Musterung zum Reichsarbeitsdienst, 1941. (Annexe 1.)

[3] Annex 2.

[4] See Dostert, Paul, Reichsarbeitsdienst-Lager in Luxemburg: Bettemburg, Hesperingen, Schüttringen, Mutfort, Rosport und Hollenfels, in: Von Chorsängern, Eisenbahnen und Kirchenglocken: Festschrift zum 150jährigen Bestehen der Chorale Schuttrange, Luxembourg, 2013, p. 77-81.

 

 

 

Toys from the Winterhilfswerk

A collection of objects from the General Patton Memorial Museum 

Written by Sarah Mirti

The General Patton Memorial Museum in Ettelbruck displays a multitude of small objects produced during the time of the Nazi regime. It can be assumed that most of the objects that can be seen in the museum in Ettelbruck stem from the Winterhilfswerk (WHW) campaign that began in Luxembourg in winter 1940-41.

The objects vary vastly in nature. Some are clearly propaganda objects like small collectible cards representing Nazi officers or small booklets praising Hitler with titles like “Der Führer und Mussolini”, “Der Führer und die Bewegung”, “Des Führers Kampf in Belgien”, etc. A series of 28 such booklets was published by Heinrich Hoffmann, Hitler’s official photographer. The books were designed as gifts that could be hung on the Christmas tree.[1]

Winterhilfswerk

The objects described in this study were produced as part of the Winterhilfswerk des Deutschen Volkes (Winter Relief of the German People) programme, which was abbreviated WHW.

The National Socialist regime ran an annual fundraising campaign to help people in need by providing food, clothes, coal, etc. Slogans such as “nobody shall starve or freeze” were used to convince people to donate to the WHW.[2] The programme ran from 1931 to 1945 during the winter months from October to March. The donors received small token gifts of negligible value to thank them for their donations. Of course, the programme was also used for propaganda means and to support the regime.

Over the winter of 1940-41 Gauleiter Simon decided to replicate the WHW campaign in Luxembourg. The initiative was presented to the Luxembourg population as the German national community “helping” the Luxembourgers. Besides the fact that Gauleiter Simon probably wanted recognition from Goebbels, who oversaw the WHW programme, the aim was clearly to motivate the reluctant Luxembourg population to support the German Reich.[3]

A well-oiled “marketing machine”

The WHW issued 8,000 different objects over the years that the campaign was run. In view of the sophistication of the objects, the initiative must have functioned like a “marketing machine”.[4] The organisation went as far as designing new objects for each season that were of interest to the population, e.g. ceramic characters representing certain professions in Vienna in 1940.

There must have been a vast organisational structure to cope with the logistics of designing, producing and managing the distribution of millions of these objects every year.[5] Although there was pressure on the population to donate to the WHW, the small objects were most likely intended to raise interest and to encourage people to donate.

A variety of objects

At first glance, the objects seem colourful and appealing, so it can be assumed that the intention behind them was to please most of the population. The objects include small toys and enamel pins to pin on clothes. They were marketed towards a wide target audience encompassing several age groups, with toys for children and pins for adults, for example. They were inspired by certain themes like herbs, medallions of famous Germans, city emblems, attractive toy characters, small aeroplanes, etc.

In times of war, there was no money for toys and gadgets, so these non-essential accessories were popular amongst the local people. Through the pins, the German occupying force was able to deploy its propaganda, because when people wore them they were seen by others. The main purpose of the cards was to familiarise the population with the main leaders behind the National Socialist movement.

Many objects became collector’s items, and some are still collected nowadays.

It seems that the dissemination of propaganda through the WHW was at least as important as the original purpose of the relief organisation. It is very clear that the Nazi propaganda machine wanted to convince the population of the merits of the National Socialist regime through the WHW initiative.[6]

APPENDIX

Görlitzer, Bettina, Hilfe für Bedürftige als Mittel der Propaganda (03.03.2018), in: come-on.de Virtuelles Museum: Hilfe für Bedürftige als Mittel der Propaganda | Lüdenscheid (come-on.de) (Stand: 10.01.2021).

Dostert, Paul, WHW Winterhilfswerk des deutschen Volkes (7.11.2002), in: Ons Stad Autoren | Ons Stad (vdl.lu) (Stand: 13.01.2021).

Hoffmann, Heinrich, Winterhilfswerk-Heftchen 1937/1941 (2021), in: Heinrich Hoffmann – Winterhilfswerk-Heftchen (WHW-Heftchen) – Catawiki (Stand: 13.01.2021).

Scriba, Arnulf, Das Winterhilfswerk (WHW) (16.09.2015), in: Lebendiges Museum Online LeMO Kapitel – NS-Regime – NS-Organisationen – Winterhilfswerk (dhm.de) (Stand: 10.01.2021).

Virtuelles Brückenhofmuseum (02.01.2020) Virtuelles Brückenhofmuseum – Königswinter – Oberdollendorf (virtuellesbrueckenhofmuseum.de) (Stand: 10.01.2021).

[1] Scriba, Arnulf, Das Winterhilfswerk (WHW) (16.09.2015), in: Lebendiges Museum Online LeMO Kapitel – NS-Regime – NS-Organisationen – Winterhilfswerk (dhm.de) (Stand: 10.01.2021).

[2] Scriba, Arnulf, Das Winterhilfswerk (WHW) (16.09.2015), in: Lebendiges Museum Online LeMO Kapitel – NS-Regime – NS-Organisationen – Winterhilfswerk (dhm.de) (Stand: 10.01.2021).

[3] Dostert, Paul, WHW Winterhilfswerk des deutschen Volkes (7.11.2002), in: Ons Stad Autoren | Ons Stad (vdl.lu) (Stand: 13.01.2021). and Scriba, Arnulf, Das Winterhilfswerk (WHW) (16.09.2015), in Lebendiges Museum Online LeMO Kapitel – NS-Regime – NS-Organisationen – Winterhilfswerk (dhm.de) (Stand: 10.01.2021).

[4] Görlitzer, Bettina, Hilfe für Bedürftige als Mittel der Propaganda (03.03.2018), in: come-on.de Virtuelles Museum: Hilfe für Bedürftige als Mittel der Propaganda | Lüdenscheid (come-on.de) (Stand: 10.01.2021).

[5] Görlitzer, Bettina, Hilfe für Bedürftige als Mittel der Propaganda (03.03.2018), in: come-on.de Virtuelles Museum: Hilfe für Bedürftige als Mittel der Propaganda | Lüdenscheid (come-on.de) (Stand: 10.01.2021).

[6] Dostert, Paul, WHW Winterhilfswerk des deutschen Volkes (7.11.2002), in: Ons Stad Autoren | Ons Stad (vdl.lu) (Stand: 13.01.2021).